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Child Social Work Policy & Practice
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About this product Product Information This book provides an exploration of the social policies and practices of the Blair and Brown-led Labour governments in relation to families, children and young people in the United Kingdom. Although t a commentary solely on the policies of New Labour, the book examines Labour's 'Third Way', by widening out the debate to consider family welfare policies in the context of the European Union, globalization and international policy groups such as UNICEF.
Family-support policies enable women to combine parenting with participation in the labor market. In , Parents with three or more children are entitled to three extra days of paid leave per year, as well as other social benefits such as reduced fares on public transport.
Youth work: Introducing policy: View as single page
As of , 10 days of parental leave are available for adoptive parents. Labor law prohibits an employer from terminating an employment contract with a pregnant woman or a mother with a baby under one year old. Citations: 1. Many Lithuanian families find it difficult to reconcile family and work commitments. The prevalence of poor relations, as well as frequent instances of domestic violence, divorces and single-parent families also present challenges to stable family life.
However, the employment rate among women aged 20 to 64 is relatively high, at Lithuania spent 1. Lithuanian family policy is based on a set of passive financial support to families and active social services and infrastructure policy measures. The government provides some support for women seeking to combine parenting and employment, including family and social-welfare legislation e.
Although access to kindergartens and other child-care facilities is still insufficient and there is a shortage of both full-time and part-time flexible employment opportunities in the labor market, a number of new initiatives emerged after municipal elections. The Vilnius municipal government has been among the most active groups in facilitating the establishment of private child-care facilities. Overall, family policy is quite fragmented and focused on families facing particular social risks, while more attention should be paid to developing more universal family services with NGO engagement.
The program of the new coalition government gives substantial attention to family policy, and includes proposals to make labor relations more flexible to enable parents to combine parenting and work, and increase financial benefits for families with children. Although supporters argued that the law is needed to coordinate family policies and provide basic family support services, opponents dismissed it as a selection of declarations and criticized its allegedly discriminatory nature in terms of gender.
Figures released by the European Commission show that women in Malta earn about half of what men earn, constituting the second highest pay gap in the EU. A breakdown of activity rates by age showed that the number of women active in the labor market was comparable to that of men during the ages of , but the gap widens in subsequent age brackets. In recent years, new workplace policies were designed to ensure that employed parents retain or are able to return to their jobs. This has included parental leave both maternity and paternity leave , reduced working hours, career breaks, the introduction of financial incentives for mothers returning to work, free child-care centers, school breakfasts, and after-school clubs.
These measures are enabling more women to enter and remain in the labor market, with Malta experiencing the highest female activity rate increase in the EU since Data published by the National Statistics Office in indicate that a total of 13, children aged five or younger are enrolled in some form of non-compulsory early childhood education. Since , the Maternity Leave Trust Fund legally obliges employers to contribute the equivalent of 0.
Discussions are currently ongoing as to whether parents should be able to utilize their sick leave for instances when their children are unwell. Most of these pledges have yet to be adopted.
Both policies were approved in the government budget. During the period under review, the birth rate increased to an estimated 8. This remains below the rate of 9. Data for suggests this increase is likely to continue. However, these changes appear to be driven more by improving economic conditions than by any changes to family policy. A very extensive study released in highlighted the need for family-policy reforms, and the government shows substantial political will with regard to implementing such reforms.
Day care centers for young children are becoming a luxury item, as they are not directly subsidized and parents face a steep increase in costs based on higher contributions for higher taxable income. Nevertheless, parents complain of a lack of information about and access to youth and family centers. Local governments have in some cases violated decision-making privacy rules in the allocation of youth-care assistance. Devolution of powers in youth health care to local government in resulted in cases where necessary psychiatric care was withheld due to a lack of financing. Particularly vulnerable children are hit by the decentralization and fragmentation of services.
Enabling a work-family balance is less of a guiding policy principle. The gap between professional women working longer hours and less educated women not participating in the labor market is growing. Almost two-thirds of mid-career women experience the combination of childcare tasks and work as difficult. Full-time female labor-force participation is hindered mainly by a high marginal effective tax burden on second earners, reflecting the withdrawal of social benefits according to family income. The drop was largely due to the inclusion of top incomes in the calculations, which revealed a glaring absence of women in highly paid positions in the country.
Other factors include unfavorable school times, a childcare system geared toward part-time work, and the volatility of financing for and poor access to care policies, particularly at the municipal level. Citations: Nederlands Jeugd Instituut. Kennis over jeugd en opvoeding, nji. The United States ranks near the bottom of the developed world on many measures of direct governmental and regulatory support for working mothers.
The Family and Medical Leave Act of requires employers with at least 50 workers to allow 12 weeks of unpaid leave for child care. This measure has not proven highly effective, partly because of narrow eligibility criteria. Nevertheless, the United States provides significant support for families with children, largely through tax benefits. The policies have the greatest effect for poor families, especially single mothers, partly because of low governmental tolerance for welfare dependency.
As of , tax benefits for families with children included a dependent-related exemption, a child tax credit, an earned-income tax credit and a child- and dependent-care tax credit, as well as two tuition-related tax benefits for post-secondary education. As a result, effective child-care costs as a percentage of income were lower in the United States than in most OECD countries, and for low-income single mothers, much lower.
From to , the Obama administration called for expanded family leave polices and more generous support for child care, but Republicans effectively blocked legislative action.
The United States has been slipping behind other advanced economies with regard to the percentage of women in the labor force, falling from seventh to 20th place in the OECD by The Trump administration and Republican-controlled Congress will not increase and may cut federal support for working mothers. While the share of children aged three to six enrolled in kindergartens has increased substantially over the last decade, public child care facilities are still less developed than in most other OECD and EU countries.
Labor-market discrimination against pregnant women and mothers of small children is common, undermining the objective of providing free choice for women. However, Bulgarian grandparents are traditionally very involved in caring for children, which for some parents is an effective social-network mechanism reducing the need for state involvement.
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While the enrollment rate in formal child care for children three to five years of age is within the third quartile of OECD countries, childcare provision for children up to two years of age is the third lowest among OECD countries, and affordable after-hours care offered by pre-schools and schools is insufficient.